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The Story of the Soejono Family Against Fascism

The father became a minister in the Queen Wilhelmina's cabinet. His children opposed the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. Voice of Indonesia's liberation. Before the 75th anniversary of the proclamation of independence next August, early 2020 Europe has already commemorated three-quarters of a century of its release from Nazi-German occupation. However, this does not mean that this warning does not include Indonesians. In the Dutch resistance to Nazi-German occupation during the Second World War, for example, Indonesians also had a role. That is why at the end of January at two places in Leiden, Irawan Soejono's centennial commemoration took place, as well as remembering the 75th anniversary of the death of the Indonesian student due to the bullets of a Wehrmacht soldier, a Nazi occupation force.
Irawan Soejono's name has been circulating in the Netherlands since May 4, 1990, when the Amsterdam city government inaugurated Irawan Soejonostraat (Irawan Soejono street) at Osdorp, West Amsterdam. In fact in the Soejono family, Irawan was not the only person involved in fighting the Nazi-German occupation. In addition to Irawan, in the Netherlands, there was still Mimi Soetiasmi, Irawan's older brother who later married Maroeto Daroesman, a PKI figure who would later become a minister of state without cabinet portfolio Amir Sjarifuddin (1947). Not only that, in London there is also R.A.A. Soejono, Irawan and Mimi's father who sat in the Dutch cabinet in exile, under the prime minister Pieter Gerbrandy. Inevitably, Soejono was the only Indonesian inlander (Bumiputera) who was appointed minister in the Dutch cabinet.

Some Dutch historians have written about Irawan Soejono and his father R. A. A. Soejono. But unfortunately, both historian Harry Poeze and Herman Keppy handled the two separately. It is true that fathers and two children (and their sons-in-law) fought separately: fathers in London and children in the Netherlands. However, it is clear that they are fighting for one common goal: liberation from the clutches of fascism and racism, as well as other despicable right politics and also fighting for Indonesian independence.

Impure
As soon as the Nazis occupied the Netherlands on May 10, 1940, Queen Wilhelmina and her cabinet fled to London. There they established a Dutch government in exile. Two years later R. A. A. Soejono arrived in London from Australia with Lieutenant Governor Huib van Mook. They fled from Indonesia because Dai Nippon troops pushed in. Shortly afterward, when Van Mook was appointed minister of the colony on May 21, 1942, the Council on Indian Affairs was formed. Soejono was vice chairman of the board.

When inaugurated, Van Mook submitted a proposal to change the name "Department of the Colonies" to "the Department of the Dutch East Indies, Suriname, and Curaçao", three Dutch colonies in the Archipelago and the Caribbean. Queen Wilhelmina refused. According to him, this change can only happen if there is parliamentary approval. Because the Dutch parliament did not flee to London, the name change was not carried out either.

Van Mook doesn't give up easily. Shortly thereafter, he insisted that Soejono be appointed minister. According to him this appointment would confirm to Indonesia and especially to the United States that there was no longer a difference between the Dutch and the Indonesians. As a minister, Indonesians also decide on government policies. In other words, even though the name of the department he leads still contains the term "colony", the appearance of an Indonesian in a ministerial position means that Indonesians are considered equals to the Dutch.

Again Queen Wilhelmina objected to the exact same reason as the reason for rejecting the change of name. But after Van Mook's intense pressure, Wilhelmina could no longer defend his objections. A week later he signed a royal decree to appoint Soejono as minister without a second portfolio (Michiels van Verduynen was a minister without another portfolio) in the Gerbrandy II kabimet.

Meanwhile in America there was growing awareness that colonial regimes, such as the Dutch East Indies or British India, were out of date. Opinions such as this are not only entrenched among government officials, but especially are also rife as public opinion, something encountered by Van Mook himself when he stopped in Uncle Sam's country. On the other hand, the US was also tasked with driving the Dai-Nippon army from large parts of Indonesia. Understandably, most of Indonesia's territory at that time was included in the scope of the South-West Pacific Area under the command of General Douglas MacArthur.

But the Dutch government in exile still could not be sure how the future of Indonesia, its greatest colony. The complexity of not making this decision is still complicated by the stubborn attitude of Queen Wilhelmina who thinks that she is not attached to anything. According to historian Loe de Jong, if the cabinet decides 'yes' then sri the queen can still say 'no'. Wilhelmina is known not to let go of Indonesia. He also did not want to sign the recognition of sovereignty in December 1949. He chose abdication or abdication instead of releasing the largest Dutch colony. The signatory to the recognition of sovereignty was none other than his son, Juliana who was appointed queen of the Netherlands on September 3, 1948.

Thus it is clear how impure the motive for the appointment of the only inlander as minister. Soejono came to the highest position only because the Dutch government in exile worried that America would be reluctant to free Indonesia from Japanese occupation. In this way the Dutch did not really intend to end colonialism or improve the dignity of the Indonesian people. This became clear when Soejono expressed his plans for Indonesia's future in a cabinet meeting. He suggested the Dutch government recognize the right of the Indonesian people to self-determination. This was a radical change in the founding of a Soejono who had been so determined to pursue the colonial bureaucracy. How can that change happen?

Raden Adipati Ario Soejono was born in 1886 in Tulungagung, East Java as a Javanese aristocrat. He was among a handful of inlanders who won a large diploma from the Dutch flag. In 1915 he married Sasanti, a daughter of the regent of Purwodadi, Central Java, who was 16 years old (born 1899). In the same year Soejono was appointed district head of Pasuruan, a position he held until 1927. All four of his children were born in Pasuruan: after two daughters, respectively Loes Soepianti (1916) and Mimi Soetiasmi (1918); also born two sons, respectively Irawan (1920) and Idajat (1921).

In 1920, while still serving as Pasuruan regent, Soejono was appointed by Governor General Johan Paul van Limburg Stirum to become a member of the Volksraad, the Indian parliament whose members were not elected. As a member of the Volksraad, in 1930 Soejono, who had finished serving as a regent, was given the task of studying in the Netherlands to explore agricultural, livestock and fisheries policies. That year, when Irawan was 10 years old, Soejono's family moved to The Hague. Two years later, in 1932 they returned to Batavia, but in 1934 they returned to The Hague. Soejono was appointed as an advisor to the Dutch delegation in the international rubber negotiations that took place in London. In 1939 Soejono and his wife returned to Batavia, because he was appointed a member of the Council of the Indies, the highest institution of advisor to the colonial authorities. The four children remain in the Netherlands, because of their studies.

At this point it is clear that Soejono's career has fully taken place in the colonial bureaucracy. It is also clear that Soejono always cooperated fully with the rulers of the Dutch East Indies. But, since the 1920s there were also people or people who refused to cooperate with the colonial authorities. For example they do not occupy seats in various representative institutions. These circles believed that in the context of obtaining the right to self-determination the Dutch could not be invited to cooperate. They call themselves non-cooperatives, as opposed to Soejono, who is called cooperatives.

The threat of Japanese fascism and finally the occupation of Dai Nippon forces brought change. Divisions in the cooperative and non-cooperative circles shifted to a consensus that the Netherlands must recognize Indonesia's right to self-determination. At the end of 1942, during a session of the Dutch cabinet in exile in London, as a minister three times Soejono was eager to urge that the Dutch government grant autonomy to Indonesia. But not one minister agreed, nor did the Labor ministers who were known to be progressive. It is clear that it is not only Queen Wilhelmina who does not want Indonesian independence, but all cabinet members too. In his memoir, Londense Dagboeken 1940-1945, Minister of War O.C.A van Lidth de Jeude wrote that it was impossible for the Netherlands to simply surrender its sovereign rights over Indonesia. Disappointed, his ideas were rejected, Soejono was shocked, and some even noted how pale he looked. Finally he died of a heart attack on January 5, 1943, not even a month after Queen Wilhelmina gave a speech about the future of the three Dutch colonies namely Indonesia, Suriname and Curaçao (Dutch colonies in Latin America and the Caribbean). No words of independence or autonomy were heard in the speech, Wilhelmina only said that in the future there would be no more "differences in treatment based on race and origin".

Here the queen only acts anti-Nazis who indeed run racist politics. The aspirations of Indonesian independence are not at all mentioned. War Minister Van Lidth de Jeude was shocked to hear news of Soejono's death. Unlike some other ministers who regarded Soejono as a traitor, Van Lidth de Jeude was sympathetic to him. Even Van Lidth de Jeude invited Soejono to have dinner together. Of course the invitation was not fulfilled.

Minister Soejono is buried in a Muslim grave in Woking, in southwest London. Queen Wilhelmina was not present at the funeral, but was represented by the Dutch Ambassador to Britain Michiels van Verduynen. Then Major General Pfaff was present on behalf of prince Bernhard, husband of Princess Juliana. Prime Minister Gerbrandy was also present, including Foreign Minister Eelco van Kleffens, Minister of Justice Jan van Angeren and Piet Kerstens who served as minister of trade. In addition, several Indonesian sailors and a priest were seen leading the prayer. Not a single member of the Soejono family arrived, as there was no traffic connection between Britain and mainland Europe, which was mostly occupied by the Nazis.

In order to commemorate the sole bumiputera minister, the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, the largest museum of the Netherlands, from the end of March 2020 put up a painting by Soejono by artist Anton Abraham van Anrooy in his permanent exhibition. "He is an important figure, an Indonesian who sits in the Dutch cabinet," said Harm Stevens, curator of the Rijksmuseum. "Until now he is also the only minister in the Dutch cabinet who is Muslim," Stevens said further. The curator pointed to what he called "the interesting paradox" in Soejono. Although appointed as minister it turns out that the Dutch cabinet rejects the proposal to recognize the right of the Indonesian people to self-determination. It was this background that prompted the Rijksmuseum to put up Soejono's paintings.

Spirit of Liberation
Different from the story of the father, also different from the way of life of his child. Graduating from Dutch high school in 1940, Irawan Soejono was accepted as a student of sociography (now sociology) at Leiden University. Like most other Indonesian students, Irawan became a member of the Indonesian Association, a leftist progressive group fighting for the independence of the motherland. The Nazi-German occupation brought changes in the PI. They saw fascism as an obstacle to Indonesian independence, and it was decided to cooperate with the Dutch verzet (underground resistance). The struggle for Indonesian independence was not forgotten, but was temporarily shifted backwards first. The PI's motto at that time was "Eerst Nederland bevrijden, and Indonesië" meaning "Free the Netherlands first, then Indonesia".

It is interesting here that the use of the word "bevrijden" which means liberating, for the Dutch clearly means liberation from Nazi-German occupation. But for Indonesia does that only mean liberation from the occupation of Dai Nippon forces? Of course not, but PI members deliberately did not use the word merdeka (in Dutch onafhankelijk), because it would complicate cooperation with the Dutch. As seen in Soejono's appointment, many Dutch people did not agree with an independent Indonesia. In order for the cooperation with the Dutch to be smooth and for the Indonesian people to be accepted in the verzet or underground resistance, the watchword for liberation of Indonesia which was cursed was indeed the same as the Dutch liberation.

There are three types of Irawan Soejono's resistance activities. When he moved to Amsterdam because Nazi-Germany closed Leiden University, Irawan together with Slamet Faiman (another PI member) sought shelter for Jewish children, so they would not be transported to concentration camps. Returning to Leiden in early 1944, Irawan was assigned to handle the De Bevrijding (liberation) technical affairs periodically published by Indonesian students. In addition he is also a member of the Indonesian martial unit called "Soerapati." This unit is part of the Dutch resistance unit which calls itself the Binnenlandsche Strijdkrachten (Dutch internal forces). After Irawan died, this unit changed its name to Irawan.

On that fateful day, Saturday afternoon January 13, 1945, Irawan cycled carrying a stencil printing machine through de Breestraat, a street with shops in Leiden. The stencil machine was covered in a newly repaired sack for De Bevrijding's periodical printing. Suddenly he caught Razzia Wehrmacht, a German soldier who arrested men between the ages of 18 and 40 to become laborers in Germany. Aware that if he was caught carrying a mimeograph machine he could be captured, Irawan turned into the small road de Boommarkt. A Wehrmacht soldier saw him and mercilessly opened fire on Irawan's left temple. He is dead. Mimi Soetiasmi, Irawan's brother, took care of Irawan's burial at Groenesteeg's grave in Leiden. In November 1946 Irawan's body was cremated and his ashes brought home to be buried in Tanah Kusir, next to his mother, Sasanti.

Friday afternoon, January 24, 2020 in Leiden, there was a commemoration in memory of Irawan Soejono. That day was exactly 100 years ago he was born, and at the same time 75 years ago he died. The memorial, which took place in two places, each in Boommarkt (where he died) and in the Groenesteeg grave (where he was once buried) was organized by Werkgroep (working group) Merapi. This is an organization of descendants of Indonesians who had been involved in verzet, aka resistance against Nazi-Germany.

Irawan did not leave any posts or publications. But people who know him praise and appreciate him a lot. Soeripno, editor of De Bevrijding who collaborated with Irawan wrote, "Weather is good or bad, there is danger or not, in the dark of the night, Henk (Irawan's pseudonym is Henk van de Bevrijding) is always on alert. He carefully carries out his duties, so that he is one of the most devoted members of the Indonesian Association, he is the spirit of liberation ". Soeripno in his obituary remembered Irawan Soejono.

In contrast to Irawan who did not write, Mimi Soetiasmi (Irawan's older brother) appeared to be publishing the writing. Until now only one Mimi article has been found, published in the June 1945 edition of Jeugdland magazine, when the Dutch were free from Nazi-German occupation. It's not surprising Mimi uses her own name. This article gives the impression that Mimi is used to writing. Most likely there are still other articles by Mimi Soetiasmi, especially when the war is still raging. For this reason, you must know what your pseudonym was during the war.

In the article entitled "De Bevrijding van Indonesië" (liberation of Indonesia) Mimi, who was 27 years old at the time, asked the attention of the Dutch youth for the liberation of the Indies. Although in June 1945, the Netherlands had been free for a month from Nazi-German occupation, that did not mean the struggle was over. Thus warning Mimi, who immediately pointed out that do not forget Indonesia which is still in the grip of Dai-Nippon, fascist Japan. Mimi was clearly furious to see young Dutch people so happy, as if the war had really ended. The war is not over, therefore people must think about Indonesia's liberation, he stressed.

What is important in this article is that Mimi did not write about Indonesian independence, but rather about renewing Dutch-Indonesian relations. According to him, after the war, the relationship between the two was no longer colonial but relations that "could no longer be determined only by one party, but had to be accepted voluntarily by both parties". The Netherlands and Indonesia, according to him, must stand in a democratic equation. It is clear here that a fully independent Indonesia from the Netherlands is not yet considered, because both parties seem to be still thinking about how the relationship should be renewed. Mimi also reminded readers of the Jeugdland biweekly magazine, who was a young Dutchman, that in a December 7, 1942 speech in exile in London, Queen Wilhelmina had intended to renew Dutch-Indonesian relations, a relationship that must be based entirely on togetherness.

This view is also an outline of the thinking of Indonesian youth in the Netherlands in June 1945. Obviously independence has not been considered at all. They still think there is a future for Dutch-Indonesian relations, the two countries will not really separate completely. Because of this Mimi also used the term "bevrijding" which means liberation, just like the Dutch were free from German occupation. Even if words or terms such as "zelfstandigheid" (independence) or "recht op zelfbeschikking" appear to be obtained by Mimi from his father, this does not automatically mean full independence. Once again, Indonesian students in the Netherlands at that time wanted the abolition of colonial relations which did not necessarily mean Indonesian independence.

War and occupation did indeed result in the absence of communication between the Netherlands and the Indies, its largest colony. As a result, Indonesians in the Netherlands did not know what was happening in the country, other than the Japanese occupation. Likewise the people in the homeland did not know what exactly happened in the colonizing country, other than, perhaps, that Nazi Germany occupied it. Underdeveloped communication technology clearly plays a major role in this mutual ignorance.

Mimi Soetiasmi did not know that in the homeland the BPOPK (Investigation Agency for Independence of Preparation) was inaugurated by the Japanese occupation army on April 29, 1945. This meant that preparatory steps had been taken towards independence. The term used is independence, no longer independence or the demand for the right to self-determination, as can be read in the writings of Mimi. On the other hand, it is certain that the Indonesian public also did not know that Irawan Soejono had been shot dead by Nazi Germany in January 1945. Never mind Irawan's shooting, his activities, including the activities of other PI members who joined the verzet (underground resistance) also seemed unknown to the people. people in the motherland.

During the war, Mimi returned to the Netherlands from studying French literature in Paris. As a member of the Indonesian Association he also participated in spreading illegal newspapers. Did Mimi know that the Trouw daily in December 1943 published a special edition calling for the return of colonial relations once the war was over? Do you still intend for Mimi and other Indonesians to distribute this special edition daily?

Maroeto Daroesman in one of his writings which was published once the Netherlands was free from Nazi-German occupation, actually quoted Vrij Nederland, a progressive Dutch weekly that supported Indonesian liberation. "Our struggle in Indonesia must be measured against the same high values ​​as the resistance to Nazi here. It is not a struggle for a return, not for national greed, but for freedom, justice and humanity. " Maroeto also wondered, after the Japanese had been so cruelly colonized, would the Indonesian people return to Dutch rule? As an Asian country, Japan certainly spread hatred towards the West among the people of Indonesia. Then the Westerners will come, both allies and Dutch, will the Indonesians cooperate with them to drive out Japan? Maroeto was sure that Indonesians would prefer to take care of themselves.

On January 24, 1946 Maroeto Daroesman married Mimi Soetiasmi. In an announcement in the newspaper the two put up an address in Amsterdam and Maroeto added to the information that he was an indologie doctorandus (scholar), the predecessor of contemporary Indonesian studies. Both were acquainted from the Nazi occupation era, and were both active in verzet. It is understandable that as newlyweds both decide to return to their homeland, fighting for an independent Indonesia. In 1948 Maroeto who was involved in the Madiun affair was executed with Amir Sjarifuddin and several other communist figures. He left Mimi and her two children. Speaking to Soe Hok Gie about her husband, Mimi uses the pseudonym Sundari. In 1950, Mimi married Jusuf Mudadalam who was also active in the verification in the Netherlands, the marriage was awarded by two children. Mimi Soetiasmi died suddenly in 1976, at the age of 58. He was buried in the Coachman's Land.

Source

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